Post-Dispatch Springfield Bureau
11/23/2003
By Kevin McDermott

Blagojevich's tough talk with Legislature pays off -- for now

SPRINGFIELD, Ill. - Earlier this month, Gov. Rod Blagojevich sat quietly at a Capitol ceremony and listened to one speaker after another laud the leadership of his predecessor, former Gov. George Ryan. The anecdotes varied, but the message was largely the same: Ryan got things done by working with political friends and foes alike, finding compromise and quietly smoothing over differences.

Ryan finally took the microphone before an audience of political insiders who had gathered to help him unveil his official state portrait. He put on a small, wry smile, turned to Blagojevich, and said, to an explosion of laughter: "You heard a lot of things I think you needed to hear today."

If the comment stung the boyish Democratic governor, he could no doubt take solace by Friday that he'd gotten the last laugh on the political system that Ryan had personified.

As the Legislature completed its final day of work in 2003, the scorecard showed that the new governor got just about everything from lawmakers that he set out to get when he took office in January.

And unlike his predecessor, Blagojevich got it largely by confronting, ignoring and outright name-calling against the very lawmakers who used to enjoy kid-glove treatment from the governor's office.

"He's got a press-conference style. He needs a villain. He often seems to use the Legislature as a foil, as we saw two weeks ago, when he called them a bunch of names," noted Chris Mooney, political scientist at the University of Illinois at Springfield. "On the other hand, he's been fairly successful in getting what he wants done."

Blagojevich took office promising to address the state's estimated $5 billion budget deficit by cutting waste while reforming the state's justice and political ethics systems. By Friday, the Legislature had given final passage to legislation putting strong safeguards on death penalty cases and imposing strict ethical standards and oversight on politicians.

Blagojevich's victories in the budget arena have been less clear-cut. Many of the cuts he made from the state's budget were restored by legislators over his objections, leaving it open to debate whether the budget is actually balanced. And his "no new taxes" promise was kept - sort of - with a spate of unpopular new fees.

But even his opponents agree that, for guy whose political negotiating strategy involves publicly berating the legislators whose help he needs to deliver his campaign promises, he's been remarkably successful this year.

It plays in Peoria

"There's no question he could improve his relations with the General Assembly," said state Rep. Tom Cross, R-Oswego, leader of the House Republican minority. ". . . (But) the general public likes the fact we get bashed. From a purely political standpoint, it's not a bad strategy."

The strategy was perhaps most obvious earlier this month when Blagojevich called a news conference to chide legislators for adding money back into the budget that he had cut. In what appeared to be a calculated statement, Blagojevich accused legislators of both parties of "spending money like a bunch of drunken sailors."

Republicans and Democrats alike criticized Blagojevich for the comment. But when it came time to vote on death penalty and ethics reform packages that Blagojevich had championed, both were overwhelmingly approved.

"There were very few losses, though sometimes it was difficult getting to the win," said state Rep. Jay Hoffman, D-Collinsville, an old friend of Blagojevich's and a key legislative supporter. "He was elected to change the way (political) business is done in Illinois. Unfortunately, the Legislature does not always look at the big picture."

But lawmakers of both parties complain that Blagojevich has needlessly strained relations with them, not only by demonizing them in the media, but by ignoring them in person.

A small furor arose earlier this month at news that Blagojevich was flying back and forth to Chicago every night rather than staying in the Governor's Mansion in Springfield. Some took that as further proof that Blagojevich wanted nothing to do with the behind-the-scenes schmoozing that usually goes on between governors and legislators after hours. When Blagojevich appeared on the Senate floor late Thursday to shake hands and talk personally with senators, the most common reaction was at how rare that was.

"Communication needs to be opened up, with both sides of the aisle," said state Rep. Mike Bost, R-Murphysboro. "And that needs to happen when he visits in our districts, too."

Trouble ahead?

There are some indications that Blagojevich's arm's-length style with the Legislature could yet cause problems for him. His record this year wasn't perfect. He didn't get a gay-rights bill he'd called for because, critics said, he wasn't willing to do anything more than make media statements supporting it. And his refusal last week to take a stand one way or the other on a bill that would have eased the way for the purchase of the troubled Illinois Power was partly blamed for the stalling of that measure.

"I think he got what he wanted in spite of (his distance from the Legislature), not because of it," said Mooney, the political scientist. He noted that, with a Legislature controlled by Democrats, Blagojevich almost couldn't lose on many issues he faced this year. "If this style of demonization continues, it may not work next year."

Blagojevich himself has been unapologetic. "My mission is not to win a popularity contest here," he said, when asked, shortly after the Ryan ceremony, about his strained relations with the Legislature. "The fact that you're hearing grumbling (from the political status quo) . . . is an indication that we're shaking things up."

Reporter Kevin McDermott
E-mail: kmcdermott@post-dispatch.com
Phone: 217-782-4912